江村經濟——中國農民的生活
Peasant Life in China—A Field Study of Country Life in the Yangtze Valley

作者簡介:費孝通,著名社會學家、人類學家、民族學家、社會活動家,中國社會學和人類學的奠基人之一。

內容簡介:費孝通于倫敦經濟學院的博士論文,一部展現中國傳統(tǒng)文化在遭受西方壓力下的社會變革縮影圖,一部基于第一手資料寫成的關于20世紀30年代中國鄉(xiāng)村生活的專著。這里摘錄的第十六章的內容。

As their income is diminishing and as there is no hope of immediate recovery, the peasants can naturally only resort to a corresponding reduction of expenditure. In expenditure, as the Chinese peasants are concerned, there are four categories: necessary daily account, periodical ceremonial expenses, capital for production, and interest, rent, and tax.As we have seen, the villagers have already suspended ceremonies as far as possible, and even sold their rice reserve when necessary. It appears that the most rigid category is the last one. If the people are not able to pay their ever-increasing interest, rent, and tax, they will be threatened by brutal treatment from the usurers, and rent and tax collectors, and by legal enforcement through imprisonment. But when hunger is stronger than the fear of being shot, peasant revolts take place. Perhaps, this is the situation that has resulted in the disturbance of the Red Spear Club in North China and the Communist movement in Central China. If the author of Red Star Over China is right, the main force that drove millions of peasants in the heroic long march was nothing but hunger and its derived hatred of landowners and tax collectors.
當他們的收入不斷下降,經濟沒有迅速恢復的希望時,農民當然只得緊縮開支。中國農民的開支有四類:日常需要的支出,定期禮儀費用,生產資金,以及利息、地租、捐稅等。正如我們已經看到的,農民已經盡可能地將禮儀上的開支推遲,甚至必要時將儲備的糧食出售??磥?,農民的開支中最嚴峻的一種是最后一種。如果人民不能支付不斷增加的利息、地租和捐稅,他不僅將遭受高利貸者和收租人、稅吏的威脅和虐待,而且還會受到監(jiān)禁和法律制裁。但當饑餓超過槍殺的恐懼時,農民起義便發(fā)生了。也許就是這種情況導致了華北的“紅槍會”和華中的共產主義運動。如果《西行漫記》的作者是正確的話,驅使成百萬農民進行英勇長征的主要動力 不是別的,而是饑餓和對土地所有者及收租人的仇恨。

In the present study, I have tried to show that it is incorrect to condemn landowners and even usurers as wicked persons. When the village needs money from outside to finance their production, unless there is a better system to extend credit to the peasants, absentee-landlordism and usury are the natural products. Without them, the situation might be still worse. At present, owing to the insecurity of rent, there is already a tendency for urban capital to move into the treaty ports instead of into rural districts, as seen in the recurrence of crises in Shanghai speculative enterprises. The scarcity of capital available in rural districts encourages the development of usury in the town. The more depressed is the country, the less capital is available, and the more active is the usury—a vicious circle which saps the life of the peasants.
在現在這個研究中,我試圖說明單純地譴責土地所有者或甚至是高利貸者為邪惡的人是不對的。當農村需要外界的錢來供給他們生產資金時,除非有一個較好的信貸系統(tǒng)可供農民借貸,否則不在地主和高利貸是自然會產生的。如果沒有他們,情況可能更壞。目前,由于地租沒有保證,已經出現一種傾向,即城市資本流向對外通商口岸,而不流入農村,上海的投機企業(yè)危機反復發(fā)生就說明了這一點。農村地區(qū)資金缺乏,促使城鎮(zhèn)高利貸發(fā)展。農村經濟越蕭條,資金便越缺乏,高利貸亦越活躍——這個惡性循環(huán)耗盡了農民的血汗。

There was another dilemma in the Chinese land problem. The national government with all its promises and policies on paper was not able to carry out any practical measures owing to the fact that most of the revenue was spent in its anti-communist campaign, while, as I have pointed out, the real nature of the communist movement was a peasant revolt due to their dissatisfaction with the land system. Despite all kinds of justification on either side, one thing is clear: that the conditions of the peasants are getting worse and worse. So far no permanent land reform has been accomplished in any part of China since the recovery of the Red Area by the government.
中國的土地問題面臨的另一個困境是:國民黨政府在紙上寫下了種種諾言和政策,但事實上,它把絕大部分收入都耗費于反共運動,所以它不可能采取任何實際行動和措施來進行改革,而共產主義運動的實質,正如我所指出的,是由于農村對土地制不滿而引起的一種反抗,盡管各方提出各種理由,但有一件事是清楚的,農民的境況是越來越糟糕了。自從政府重占紅色區(qū)域以來到目前為止,中國沒有任何一個地區(qū)完成了永久性的土地改革。

編輯推薦:中外社會學、人類學研究者必讀書;費孝通英文原作《江村經濟》首次國內出版。英國人類學家、功能學派創(chuàng)始人之一馬林諾夫斯基稱這部著作是“一個實地考察工作者的最珍貴的成就”,并認為它是“人類學實地調查和理論工作發(fā)展中的一個里程碑”。

《江村經濟》

(英漢對照版,附珍貴實地照片)

?費孝通(著) 戴可景(譯)

?外語教學與研究出版社
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